Pacific Brief 15 September 2024
Australia announces acceleration of its Joint Strike Missile programme
On 5 September, Australia’s Defence Industry Minister Pat Conroy announced that Australia will spend $142 million, to accelerate purchase of the air-launched version of the Joint Strike Missile (JSM). The accelerated acquisition programme, that should see JSMs in service with Australian F-35s next year
Australia committed to purchase Norwegian company Kongsberg’s Naval Strike Missile and JSM. The approximately $ 850 million deal includes more than buying missiles, Australia is also building a factory at Newcastle, in New South Wales to support the programme. Later, as the programme develops, the two nations will share technology and production of the missiles. Minister Conroy spoke at the factory’s opening.
The JSM is a development of the Naval Strike Missile (NSM). Both are stealthy, sea-skimming missiles but the JSM has a longer range of about 280km, in sea-skimming mode and about 5-600km if it cruises at altitude to a target. It can hit targets on land or at sea, is accurate and is designed to fit inside the internal weapons bay of F-35 fighters. This small detail reduces the attacking aircraft’s radar signature and is a key component of the new missile’s effectiveness. Australia’s introduction of NSM on ships and JSM on its F-35s significantly increases the nation’s strike capability.
Australia is investing a significant amount of money in the relationship, and the strategic nature of the deal should not be overlooked. The deal will provide hundreds of jobs in Australia and integrates both nation’s defence technical and manufacturing programmes. Essentially, Norway and Australia are sharing defence technology and working together to develop a global supply chain for this weapons system, as Minister Conroy states “The Norwegian Government and Kongsberg share our vision for a stronger and more assured global supply chain for guided weapons, and we look forward to continuing to work together in support of the rules-based international order.”
The Kongsberg deal is an example of European defence cooperation between European nations and Pacific nations. Last week, we discussed Japan and Norway’s new defence agreement, signed on 3 September. A deal that helps to confirm a developing trend, that nations worried about China, Russia and North Korea are working closely together, not only to buy weapons systems but to collaborate over defence technology programmes and production.
It is also noteworthy that Australia is accelerating the procurement of these weapons. The decision is another indicator of how insecure Australia currently feels.
Cyber attack on Pacific Islands Forum Secretariat
On 12 September, the Australian Broadcasting Corporation (ABC) reported that the Pacific Islands Forum Secretariat, suffered a cyber-attack resulting in a significant breach earlier this year. The forum’s secretariat is based in Fiji, and provides the organisation’s administrative support. The Australian Broadcasting Corporation (ABC) stated it was told by Secretariat sources “that the Pacific Islands Forum cyber breach detected in February was "extensive" and that the group behind the hack was intent on gathering information about the Secretariat and its operations.”
The attack was stopped by the Australian government sending one of its Rapid Assistance for Pacific Incidents and Disasters (RAPID) cyber-security teams to Fiji. The RAPID team worked with the Secretariat to stop the breach and believes the attack emanates from a team of hackers supported by the Chinese government. The attack shares similarities with espionage operations reported by both the Australian and New Zealand governments in June this year.
By targeting the Secretariat, the hackers aim to ‘see behind the curtain,’ using the day-to-day information exchanged between the organisation’s staff to gather intelligence that can inform diplomatic discussions. China has denied being involved in any of these attacks.
The attack is noteworthy because it demonstrates the usefulness of Australia’s RAPID cyber-security teams. The RAPID team’s support helped reduce the impact of the attack. This success is a good lesson for other larger powers looking for effective ways to support security in the region. It is also an important indication that cyber-threats will increase as tensions in the Pacific increase.
US working to combat Pacific drug trade
Last month, Kurt Campbell the US Deputy Secretary of State announced that the US would work closely with Pacific nations to counter drug trafficking and other maritime crime in the region. The initiative includes increased cooperation, training and the use of US Coast Guard and Navy ships to patrol the region. The initiative is delivered through the Pacific Islands Chiefs of Police organisation and is called the Aumoana Regional Law Enforcement Initiative (ARLEI).
Although the Pacific has a variety of maritime crime issues including the illegal trafficking of people and wildlife, ARLEI’s main target is the drug trade. The Pacific is increasingly used by sophisticated drug syndicates to move large quantities of illegal drugs. Recent publications by the Australian Lowry Institute and the US Institute of Peace discuss the Pacific’s evolution as a main transit route for drugs and precursor chemicals travelling from Asia and South America toward profitable drug markets in Australia and New Zealand.
A situation that has severe consequences in the Pacific, both Tonga and Fiji suffering meth epidemics and increasing violence and corruption. The U.S Institute of Peace’s recent article ‘Amid Illicit Drug Boom: Is the Pacific’s Regional Security Architecture Fit-for-Purpose? states “The illicit drug trade is the most prevalent form of transnational crime in the region, and the impact on Pacific societies and communities has significantly increased.”
The trade is a significant threat to regional security because it provides money and motive to undermine government institutions. Drug traffickers bribing police officers, judges and politicians to keep their business going. This undermines trust and confidence in existing state institutions, creating conditions for the rule of law to collapse or even for some areas to fall under the power of local strongmen. A dangerous situation for states that already struggle with law and order, and an initiative like ARLEI may help support a more coordinated and effective response.
Here are links to the articles.
More clashes in the South China Sea, near Sabina Shoal
Last week Chinese and Philippines vessels clashed again in the South China Sea, near Sabrina Shoal. The Philippines Coast Guard poste pictures of a Chinese Coast Guard vessel ramming one of its vessels. Sabrina Shoal is about 150km off the coast of Philippines and nearly 1200km from the nearest point in China. It is within Philippine’s internationally recognised Exclusive Economic Zone but is constantly patrolled by Chinese coast guard vessels that harass non-Chinese vessels. Often using aggressive tactics that are likely to lead to deaths or injuries.
Sabrina Shoal is near potential oil reserves and if controlled by China could be used to limit Philippines’ access to Second Thomas Shoal, a reef garrisoned by Philippines to assert its claim to the area. China builds artificial islands on some shoals and reefs, occupying them to assert its claim. The situation is dangerous and the uncertainty surrounding the US election and its foreign policy implications are liable to make the area more tense.
This is another incident in a long-running dispute between China and Philippines that has the hall marks of ‘hybrid war,’ a term used to define competition between nations using a variety of techniques that fall into a ‘grey zone’ of conflict that is not ‘conventional war’ but is still a form of aggressive and direct competition. The techniques of hybrid war include using propaganda, cyber-war, use of proxies and even some forms of kinetic attack, to achieve a larger strategic objective.
The activity in the South China Sea could be interpreted using China’s hybrid war doctrine. Specifically, the ‘2003 Political Work Regulations of the Peoples Liberation Army’ that discusses hybrid tactics or ‘Three Warfares.’ The ‘Three Warfares’ are translated by the US Department of Defence as follows:
Legal War. Building and legitimising a reason for action.
Information War. Propaganda and misinformation designed to support the objectives.
Psychological War. The use of threats and intimidation to deter opposition.
In this case, China claims the South China Sea, a unilateral claim that is not supported by international law. By using its coast guard rather than its navy, China reinforces the idea that the claim is valid because coast guard vessels are law enforcement assets, generally used domestically. This contributes to China’s propaganda narrative, the constant but legally unsubstantiated claim that the South China Sea is its territorial waters. Finally, the behaviour of Chinese coast guard vessels is threatening and backed by aggressive and threatening diplomatic responses to Philippines’ protests, psychological war to deter opposition.
Additionally, other Pacific nations need to be studying these activities because they provide an insight in how China may seek to use the tactics of hybrid war elsewhere in the region. The South China Sea also provides a case study about how to counter these tactics and it good to learn from these situations
Melanesian update
A regular update on the Pacific’s least reported trouble spot; Melanesia.
Bougainville update, Sir Jerry Mateparae appointed moderator
Papua New Guinea and Bougainville’s discussion about the island’s future took a positive turn last week, when both parties agreed to appoint Sir Jerry Mateparae Mateparae as an independent moderator. During the 1990s Bougainville fought a bloody war for independence. In the late 1990s a peace treaty was brokered, ending the war. The Australian and New Zealand militaries provided a peace-monitoring force that supported a stable transition.
An important part of the deal was that Bougainville was given a level of autonomy and a process was established to investigate Bougainville’s independence. Currently, Bougainville’s people have said they want independence and the final decision is stuck in Papua New Guinea’s parliament, the body that must authorise the change. Papua New Guinea and Bougainville’s leaders disagree on the majority that should be required for a decision. Papua New Guinea wanting an absolute majority, while Bougainville believes it should be a simple majority.
Sir Jerry Mateparae, is a perfect candidate for this job. He is a well-respected ex-Chief of New Zealand’s Defence Force and was instrumental in brokering the original Bougainville peace deal. During his military career he served in New Zealand’s special forces, and is respected throughout the South West Pacific’s military community. After retiring from the military he was appointed Governor General, New Zealand’s most senior official position. His wealth of military and diplomatic experience equips him extra-ordinarily well to help moderate this political situation.
His appointment is a great example of larger South West Pacific nations can support smaller nations to resolve security concerns.
Papua New Guinea Prime Minister survives ‘No Confidence’ vote
Last week, the Papua New Guinea parliament’s Speaker allowed a motion of ‘No Confidence’ in the Prime Minister, James Marape to be tabled. This is the fifth attempt, since the start of the year to remove the Prime Minister using a ‘No Confidence’ motion.
On 12 September, the motion was tabled and MPs voted it down. The Prime Minister retaining his position. Hopefully, this vote will lead to a period of political stability so Papua New Guinea’s elected leaders can focus on bigger issues than politicking.